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Of quotas and equal opportunities

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The protests in Bangladesh have turned deadly in recent days (Photo by AFP)

By: Prof. Dr. Mohammad Tariqur Rahman

In early June 2024, students in Bangladesh under a non-political banner started a peaceful protest against the 30% quota for Government jobs that are reserved for the descendants of freedom fighters. 

Indeed, the provision for a temporary quota-based recruitment in Government Jobs is scribed in the nation’s Constitution – but only for those who belong to unprivileged groups that might include, women, tribal groups, and people with disabilities. 

As a gesture of gratitude, respect, and above all the need, freedom fighters and their descendants were awarded certain privilege after independence. Hence, the quota provision to reserve government jobs for them. 

Practically speaking, the children of the possible youngest freedom fighters in 1971 would exceed the age limit to enter a government job in 2024. Hence the beneficiary of the 30% quota provision for Government jobs would be none but the grandchildren of the freedom fighters – that logically speaking, is ridiculous. Furthermore, their estimated number would not exceed 0.5% of the total population. Needless to say, many of them would not belong to an unprivileged group of the country.

Ironically, after deducting the quota for the other groups, less than 45% of the jobs in the same category could be given to those who are qualified according to their performance in the lengthy and enduring evaluation for recruitment. 

Amidst a student protest in 2018, the provision for 30% reserved jobs for the descendants of the freedom fighters were cancelled. Apparently, the then Prime Minister (who is also the current PM of the Country) – being outraged or annoyed – cancelled the quota provision. Her act was questioned since she as the PM is not expected to act out of anger, grief, annoyance, or prejudice. 

The recent High Court’s verdict declared the cancellation of the quota by the executive order in 2018 as illegal. The high court’s verdict was not welcomed by the current student.

Hence, the rise of the 2024 Quota Reform Movement that resulted in Bangla Blockade. Gradually but at an unprecedented pace, the protests under the umbrella of “Anti-discrimination Students’ Movement ” gained momentum in every corner of the country.

For logical reasons, the movement is supported by mass people irrespective of their political or other affiliations.

Initially, the general students’ protest was foolishly encountered by the student wing of the current ruling party named Chatra League – allegedly under the command and protection of the ruling party. Chatra League has its reputation for violence against general students as well as student wings of other political parties.

Failing to fight a massive and firm student’s protest, leaders and activists of Chatra League from university dormitories had to flee. General students started to pay a deadly price for standing against the High Court’s decision and for humiliating leaders and activists of Chatra League. 

On July 16 Abu Sayed, a student of Begum Rokeya University (Rangpur), stood unarmed in front of the police with his hands extended in the air. Police shot him dead. The protest turned a twist and now amounts to more than 50 deaths, mostly university students with an increasing number every day, if not every hour. 

After their initial “firm” denial to the demands for quota reformation, the Law Minister of the country offered a dialogue. Perhaps it was too late for those who lost their friends and loved ones. The situation became more volatile. 

The Government continued the crackdown in their characteristic autocratic manner. The country is now literally disconnected from the rest of the world. Any form of network was blocked by the Government. Immigrants from Bangladesh living in different parts of the world are unable to contact their family and relatives for more than 24 hours.

No one knows what is happening in Bangladesh. A plea for help and solidarity by the citizens of the country living in Bangladesh is unlikely.

Can the rest of the world do something about it?


Prof. Dr. Mohammad Tariqur Rahman


The author is the Associate Dean (Continuing Education), Faculty of Dentistry, and Associate Member, UM LEAD, Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

He may be reached at tarique@um.edu.my



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